Sunday, July 26, 2009

Federal Government: How It Was Created - What It Has Become

from http://www.redstate.com/users/pilgrim/

It was the original intent of the Founding Fathers to carefully limit the areas of responsibility of the federal government. James Madison pointed out that the Constitution was structured so that the powers delegated to the federal government are few. He also pointed out the number of individuals employed will need to be smaller than the number under the State.

Six Areas of Constitutional Responsibility for POTUS
1. Chief of state over the Nation.
2. Commander in chief over the military.
3. The chief executive officer of the whole executive branch of the federal government.
4. The chief diplomat in handling foreign relations.
5. The chief architect for needed legislation.
6. The conscience of the Nation in granting pardons or reprieves when justice requires.

Nineteen Extra-Constitutional Areas of Discretionary Responsibility for POTUS
1. The responsibility of maintaining full employment for the Nation.
2. The task of ensuring a high level of agricultural prosperity.
3. The task of developing a national housing program.
4. The task of supervising the exclusive distribution of atomic energy resources.
5. Underwriting mega-bucks in private loans and private insurance programs.
6. Providing federal relief for the victims of natural disasters.
7. Administrating a national welfare program.
8. Administrating a national Medicare and Medicaid program.
9. Administrating a national social security program.
10. Allocating mega-bucks for education.
11. Settling major union labor - management disputes.
12. Administrating a network of health agencies.
13. Administrating the EPA.
14. Administrating nearly 40% of the nation’s land area and resources.
15. Administrating control over the discovery and development of energy resources.
16. Regulating of all major United States industries.
17. Supervising all radio and TV broadcasting required to issuing a license.
18. Administrating the FDA.
19. Initiating various federal programs on a regional basis to replace many powers and activities originally reserved sovereign to the States.

Four Major Drawbacks of the aforementioned Central Planning
1. It is unbelievably expensive.
2. By its very nature and intended design the federal government is sluggish and inefficient. The Founding Fathers engineered a system of checks and balances to impede changes because they feared a future efficient tyranny.
3. It places mega-bucks at the disposal of the executive branch which can be and have been used to intimidate both the members of Congress and the Governors of the States.
4. It is virtually impossible for one human being to effectively administer everything assigned to the POTUS.

The constitutional provision that created the basis for the President’s cabinet

The President may require the opinion, in writing, of the principle officers who superintend the various bureaus and agencies, or other services of the executive department. Such officers shall be required to report to the President any pertinent information he may desire concerning those duties and responsibilities assigned to any office.

In 1789 the cabinet posts created
1. Department of State
2. Department of Treasury
3. Department of War
4. Office of Attorney General

The current fifteen cabinet posts and when they got created
1. The Department of State
2. Department of Treasury
3. Department of Defense *In 1947 the Congress formed the National Military Establishment (NME) headed by the Secretary of Defense. The NME combined the Department of War with the Department of Navy (created under J. Adams in 1798) and the Department of Air Force (created under Truman in 1947). In 1949 the NME was renamed the Department of Defense.
4. Department of Justice *In 1870 under Grant the post-Civil War increase in the amount of litigation involving the United States necessitated the very expensive retention of a large number of private attorneys to handle the workload. A concerned Congress passed the Act to Establish the Department of Justice, setting it up as “an executive department of the government of the United States” with the Attorney General as its head.
5. Department of Interior *In 1849 under Taylor Congress created Interior and charged it with duties ranging from issuing patents to running Washington’s jail. In 2003 the department even owned Nevada’s Mustang Ranch brothel, prompting Interior Secretary Gale Norton to observe:

It gives the phrase “Madame Secretary” a whole new meaning.

6 Department of Agriculture *After lobbying from the U.S. Agricultural Society (1852), Congress established the Department of Agriculture in 1862 (raised to cabinet level in 1889) under B. Harrison.
7. Department of Commerce *This cabinet level department was first created as the Department of Commerce and Labor under T. Roosevelt in 1903. It split up in 1913 under Wilson as the Department of Commerce.
8. Department of Labor *In 1913 under Wilson the Department of Labor was split away to be a new cabinet level post.
9. Department of Health and Human Services *In 1953 Congress created the Department of Health, Education, and welfare under IKE. In 1979 under Carter Congress split away education and HEW was renamed Department of Health and Human Services.
10. Department of Housing and Urban Development *In 1965, under LBJ, Congress created this agency.
11. Department of Transportation *In 1967, under LBJ, Congress created the Department of Transportation.
12. Department of Energy *In 1977, under Carter, Congress created the Department of Energy.
13. Department of Education *In 1979, under Carter, Congress created the Department of Education.
14. Department of Veteran Affairs *In 1988, under Reagan, Congress made the Department of Veteran Affairs a cabinet level post.
15. Department of Homeland Security *In 2002, under George W. Bush, Congress created the Department of Homeland Security in the aftermath of the sneak attack by terrorists on September 11, 2001.

The Founding Fathers designed the office of President to give the President all the power and independence needed to carry out the six specific functions they assigned, but they required the President to operate within a carefully circumscribed sphere of limited authority. It is not true that they wanted a weak executive branch. They did want a strong executive, but with a limited sphere to work in.

The fact that the executive branch has now acquired gigantic dimensions of discretionary power is a matter of the most profound importance to this and all future generations of Americans.

Fortunately, something is built into the Constitution so that any unauthorized usurpation of authority can be dismantled by peaceful means. We the People have the RIGHT to vote into power those who recognize the problem, and are willing to do something about it. History may very well record one day that taking those corrective measures was one of the most important challenges that We the People met. Even before we vote we also have a RIGHT to support candidates who recognize the problem.

Saturday, July 25, 2009

RESTORE AMERICA - BACK TO THE BASICS IN 2010

BY STEVE CZONSTKA

THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES, Article I, Section 8, states

“The Congress shall have power ...............To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof.” This includes the Executive branch and its appointed “Czars.”


Our Country was founded on the rule of law plus principles of individual liberty and responsibility through free market capitalism. Liberals are destroying our Constitutional Heritage. Americans are succumbing to government dependency and slipping into socialism. This is “Chains we don’t believe in!” In the 2010 elections Conservatives must take steps to restrain our federal government. Elect members of Congress who will exercise their Constitutional ability to stop the growth of the federal bureaucracy, reduce spending and taxes, plus strip the powers usurped by the Statists in Washington DC. We need a Congress that will restore control and power to the States while empowering Individuals as provided in the Bill of Rights, Amendments One through Ten.


A Conservative Grassroots Platform is a plan of action shown below. Prepare today to help voters Restore America in the 2010 elections to before it is too late! Contact, inform and recruit your friends and neighbors to take back Congress. We cannot wait until the 2012 elections. “All that is necessary for the triumph of evil is that good men do nothing.”


CONSERVATIVE GRASSROOTS PLATFORM


Obey The Constitution

Return 10th amendment powers to the states.

Halt government abuse of individuals’ 1st, 2nd, 4th and 5th amendments rights.

Enforce Legislative/Judicial checks and balances on Executive branch excesses

Challenge extraconstitutional federal laws and powers to the Supreme Court.

Education, Healthcare, Abortion, et al; are not venues of federal jurisdiction.

Restore Capitalism

Insist the market, not government, drive the economy.

Cease government bailouts. Nothing should be too big to fail.

Resist government regulations convoluting the market and economy.

Rescind government regulation causing unintended economic consequences.

Promote deregulation to spur economic growth.

Reverse trends of individual dependence on government.


Control Spending

Cancel existing Stimulus (Porkulus) spending legislation.

Refuse any additional Stimulus spending legislation.

Stimulate by cutting capital gains and payroll taxes


Promote Energy

Kill Cap and Trade legislation.

Promote energy independence with domestic drilling and nuclear options.

Insist only viable “alternative” energy programs receive funding. Prove it or lose it.

Scientifically confirm or refute validity of Man-made Climate Change.



Friday, July 24, 2009

Would the Founders Apply the TARP?

Forgotten Founding Father Nathanial Macon of North Carolina once chided his Federalist colleagues in Congress for asking to borrow large sums of money for a potential war with France. He said, “Some people think borrowing five or six millions a trifling thing. We may leave it for our children to pay. This is unjust. If we contract a debt we ought to pay it, and not leave it to our children. What should we think of a father who would run in debt and leave it for his children to pay?”

When Macon made these comments, the federal debt was approximately 100 million [1776 or 2009?] 2008 dollars. Had the federal government required every American citizen to pay “his share” of the debt, they would have been forced to ante-up about 17 bucks. To Macon, that was an unjust sum. What would he say today in the midst of several large -- and unconstitutional -- federal expenditures and commitments that will lead to greater debt?

Let’s start with TARP, the program passed in the waning months of the Bush administration to “save” the banking system. On 20 July, the Inspector General in charge of TARP oversight, Neil Barofsky, suggested that the program could cost the American taxpayer “23.7 trillion dollars.”

As the TOTUS (teleprompter of the United States) would read, “think about that.” 23 trillion is 23,000 billion or 230,000 million. Those are astronomical numbers, far greater than the $700 billion price tag the original program promised, and to make matters worse, it isn’t working and won’t work. In comparison, the total federal budget in 1792 was $270 million current [1776? 2009???] 2008 dollars, and in Founding Father James Monroe’s last year as president in 1825, the federal budget barely topped $1 billion current [1776?? 2009???] 2008 dollars. There was growth in the government, but not the exponential variety we currently experience.

To put this in perspective, in 1792 the federal government spent about $65 per person and around $92 per person by 1825. At that pace, the federal government would only spend about $637 per person today, but the actual number is closer to $45,000 per person. That is almost a 50000 percent increase in federal spending in a 184 year period (1825-2008). And, of course, things will only continue to balloon with TARP, the Obama “stimulus,” and other federal proposals on the table, such as national healthcare and “cap and trade,” should they pass.

Not only does this spending far outclass any budgetary constraints in American history, it will greatly impact the federal debt and the hidden, negative tax of inflation. There are currently around 2 trillion dollars in circulation. The United States does not have the money to pay for any of the Obama/Democrat programs. The Treasury would need to print, borrow, or tax to pay for the difference, and with Americans on the hook for nearly $34,000 per person to pay the $10 trillion debt as of 2008, what would our posterity be faced with ten or twenty years from now and when the debt skyrockets to meet the costs of greater government involvement in the economy and society at large? This is precisely the situation men in the founding generation, such as Macon, warned against.

Alexander Hamilton wrote in 1781 that “a national debt, if it is not excessive, will be to us a national blessing.” The key to this phrase, of course, is “if it is not excessive.” Hamilton is rightly considered the architect of the modern United States economy, but he would be appalled by the amount of money that is spent and borrowed by the current federal government. Thomas Jefferson said in 1816 that, "I sincerely believe... that the principle of spending money to be paid by posterity under the name of funding is but swindling futurity on a large scale." And in a 1789 letter to James Madison, Jefferson stated that “the earth belongs to each of these generations during its course, fully and in its own right.

“The second generation receives it clear of the debts and encumbrances keep original as a [SIC] of the first, the third of the second, and so on. For if the first could charge it with a debt, then the earth would belong to the dead and not to the living generation. Then, no generation can contract debts greater than may be paid during the course of its own existence."

If the government continues to pile up debt through out of control spending, then Jefferson was right; not only would we be “swindling futurity,” but the earth would belong to the dead, not the living.

The founding generation differed from ours in one major way. They were a hardy, independent group. One historian called them a “sweaty people.” They waged war with the best army in the world to secure independence, understood that government was often the enemy of liberty, not the savior, blazed a trail west through mountains and forests on the own hook, blood, and sweat, established a thriving commercial economy, wrote two federal governing documents and a host of state constitutions, and did all of this without the “benefit” of federal serfdom. They didn’t need $45,000 per person to save society, and when things went bad, they didn’t have the “benefit” of TARP money or federal “stimulus” packages to bail them out. They wouldn’t have accepted it or voted for it anyway.

Macon once voted against a statue in honor of George Washington because he thought that was too much money to spend on a frivolous project. The cost: around $100,000 dollars in 2008. When Congress can spend millions of dollars on cheese, pork, redecorating, and other “stimulus” projects, and possibly $23.7 trillion for a “bailout” of a banking industry that will not work, Americans have obviously lost their contact with the founding principles of frugal and wise government.

Patrick Henry said that his only guide was the “lamp of experience.” The Founders knew from experience that excessive government spending and debt would kill an economy. Because the United States is already bankrupt we should heed their warning by cutting spending and borrowing immediately. This is the only way to avoid a financial collapse.

Thursday, July 23, 2009

Health Care and the Constitution

THE RIGHT PRESCRIPTION

Health Care Reform and the American Character

While it's important to analyze the relative financial costs and benefits of health care proposals which Congress is considering, our greatest challenge cannot be limited to the economics of the issue. Our transcending concerns are moral and political. The American character itself and the principles of free market democracy which protect and preserve it may be lost beyond recovery if Congress chooses the wrong path to health care reform -- the path down which the Obama Administration seems determined to lead our country.

How are health care and American character linked?

Public health has always been a government priority. The unquestioned power to quarantine for contagious sicknesses in order to protect the community's health has been used for centuries. Selling unwholesome food and drink, carrying on industrial trades that infect or pollute the air, as well as neglect, unskillful management, and experimentation by doctors and pharmacists have traditionally been treated as crimes and grounds for civil lawsuits. Immunization programs to protect populations against disease have long been accepted as a legitimate government service.

The Framers of our Constitution were deeply influenced by the thought of William Blackstone, England's greatest legal thinker. In hisCommentaries, Blackstone explained that every individual has a "right of personal security" which includes protection against acts that may harm personal health. This right is part of the natural right to life, which means that it does not come from government but from "nature and nature's God." As the American Founders declared, the purpose of government is not to create new rights but to secure pre-existing natural rights of all persons, to life as well as liberty and pursuit of happiness. In other words, the priority of protecting people's health, which is implicit in our founding principles, no more requires government to provide health care programs than, say, the legitimate concern that people be housed requires the government to build public housing. Government has a duty to secure these rights, but this obligation is normally met most effectively by establishing the legal and economic conditions for free markets that expand the opportunity and prosperity of all. When markets apparently fail to meet these needs properly -- today's health care delivery is an example -- government should begin not by filling the need itself but by looking to and correcting its own interventions and making competitive free markets more effective.

The Founders' highest hope in declaring independence from Britain, fighting the Revolution, and writing the Constitution was to secure human freedom. They established a "new order of the ages" for Americans to govern themselves in freedom, as individuals and as citizens of communities, states, and nation. There were to be no classes such as kings or nobles, clerics or intellectuals like those who ruled in old Europe by a supposed higher right. Popular consent alone would grant the power to govern Americans, and then only for a limited time between democratic elections.

Under the Founders' model of "federalism," the central government had a few great powers while most areas of society (e.g., public health) were left to the states to regulate and the people to order in free markets. They encouraged America's citizens to take on the primary responsibility for controlling their lives: government's mission was limited to setting up legal conditions for men and women to act in freedom in order to achieve their potential. The pursuit of happiness requires the cultivation of good character traits. Free citizens must avoid seeing themselves as passive victims of a government over which they have no control. Persons who assume the burden of responsibility for their actions, successes, and failures develop traits such as courage, fairness, initiative, charity, self-restraint, industriousness, enterprise, and above all prudence, the wisdom which directs each toward the right means needed to flourish as a mature person.

A very short description of the American character would be: this ensemble of moral qualities that make it possible for persons to live under self-restraint, without dependency, in personal relationships with others in community under God.

As Tocqueville discerned in Democracy In America, a human being who fails to practice these fundamental habits, especially the key virtue of practical wisdom, will gradually lose the ability to sustain basic human qualities and sentiments. Lacking the habit of making prudent decisions every day about one's well-being and learning to accept the consequences of those decisions, one becomes a victim of necessity, passively serving unaccountable rulers who take it on themselves to define and satisfy the victims' needs, desires, and pleasures. Tocqueville's chief worry was something he described as a new kind of despotism. In generations to come, many citizens in democratic nations might be tempted to trade their liberty, which demands risk-taking, hard work, and self-restraint, for the easy security and benefits a "soft despotism" would bring. Tocqueville saw the path to this gray future in the growing centralization of government which had been at work in Europe for centuries. America's Founders, for their part, risked their whole experiment in free market democracy on preserving the character of citizens in order to resist every such design to turn Americans into European-style servants of the government.

Under the Constitution, health issues were left not to a distant central government but to states and individuals under the states' "police powers." Decentralization strengthened the people's close control over health issues and encouraged a diversity of medical practices and legal responses to health needs. Some were more successful than others. The states were in effect different laboratories applying varying approaches to public health concerns. Except for emergencies, public health was mostly advanced by free markets under local and state regulation, and spurred by federal patent and copyright incentives.

Congress in the early 20th century enacted laws to prevent interstate sales of unsafe medicines. The federal government also recognized a role in providing nationwide health-related information, establishing the Laboratory of Hygiene in 1887 and its successor, the National Institutes of Health, to carry out biomedical and health-related research, and in preparing for pandemics that don't respect state boundaries. Ultimately, under our system of federalism and free market democracy, the health of Americans has improved and flourished beyond the hopes and imagination of earlier generations.

Federal intervention in health care, with the best of intentions, has sometimes proven inapt and difficult to eliminate after it has become obsolete. For example, federal tax code changes appropriate to the World War II era have resulted in making employers the major providers of health insurance rather than the employees, thus distorting employment opportunities and other job decisions. Other federal laws and regulations in the 20th century resulted in excessive government intervention and health insurer overinvolvement in treatment issues that rightfully belong to health coverage buyers, patients, and doctors. Because of these interventions, along with Medicare and Medicaid, the U.S. today does not have an efficient and competitive free market in health care delivery.

The federal government entered the area of health care delivery most massively in 1965 with the enactment of Medicare and Medicaid. Real cost control quickly became a nightmare. Fraud proliferated despite all attempts to stop it. Program costs have continually been underestimated. When Medicare began in 1966, the cost to the taxpayers was about $3 billion. The House Ways and Means Committee estimated that Medicare would cost only about $12 billion by 1990 (including inflation), yet the actual cost by then was nearly nine times as much -- $107 billion. By 2006 Medicare reached $401 billion while Medicaid added another $309 billion for a total of $710 billion. The failure to control Medicare's costs demonstrates why the Constitution inherently leans toward solving society's problems by means of free market democracy and decentralized government.

* * * * *

America is now being pushed headlong into enacting a massive federal government-run health care program. The rush, of course, is the Congressional Democrats' chosen strategy prompted by the Obama Administration's hunger for a big victory. This strategy may be politically expedient, but it is extremely irresponsible, unwise, and unfair to the American people. Government-monopolized health service flatly contradicts both the moral principles of free market democracy and the excellence of health care that still draws patients from socialist utopias to the capitalist United States for medical treatment. This untested experiment with our national health demands no less than responsible public debate and prudent political judgment. Right now America is getting neither.

Right to our north, our neighbor Canada has a government health care system that should be an important part of our public debate. Liberals point to the Canadian system as a model for the U.S. The government is the single payer for health service, though most providers are in the private sector. In Canada the waiting list is up to more than 4 months between patient referrals and actual treatment for a dozen of the specialty procedures most needed. The average Canadian now has to wait over a month after getting a primary doctor's instruction just for a CT scan, and more than two months for an MRI. Canada's medical equipment is old, unreliable, and obsolete. Canadians notoriously travel to the U.S. if possible for treatments for everything from cancer and emergency care to hip surgery and childbirth. That nation has long suffered a professional "brain drain," its doctors fleeing the government-run health care program to practice in the U.S. Our government tried to make this more difficult, yet according to a 2007 report, one in nine doctors trained in Canada is now practicing medicine here. Has the Obama Administration explained to Americans the facts about Canada's "model" of government health care? Is this the kind of national health service the U.S. should imitate?

It is clear that the Democratic plan is prohibitively expensive and fiscally reckless. It will fail to control health care costs, exacerbate our growing debt, and require crushing taxes. Their approach would spend trillions more dollars, mandate that all employers provide health insurance, impose massive new tax burdens on workers and heath care practitioners, and exacerbate our entitlement crisis with the creation of another open-ended entitlement. The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office has informed the Senate that their health care plan would worsen the overall fiscal outlook, and its review so far of the House proposal draws the same conclusion. It makes the fiscal situation even worse.

That plan will undermine the excellence of American health care and displace those who are happy with their insurance coverage. (Surveys show that 80 percent or more are satisfied with their current arrangements.) It will stifle the energy and ingenuity which have given this nation's science and technology the edge in global medical research and innovation.

Their plan will insert the government between doctors and patients. This would constrain the freedom of medical providers, limit patient options, and restrict the right of patients to make personal health care decisions in consultation with their doctor.

Their plan will vastly expand the reach of government into the private lives of Americans and increase dependency on the state. Rather than help to expand people's choices, it would provide more direct benefits and establish more limitations, gatekeeping, and red tape.

The Democratic plan's bureaucratization of health care is not compassionate. Impersonal agencies, whether of governments or insurance providers, make decisions about how to heal patients not according to needs but according to budget-driven calculations. Bureaucratic indifference replaces compassionate caregiving by loved ones under a free market with a spectrum of health services. Today's bureaucratized market badly needs reform to make personalized health care possible. But their plan moves in the opposite direction.

Its logic requires government rationing of health care resources. The first step was taken back in February when the Economic Stimulus package's fine print set up a new agency (the Council for Comparative Effectiveness Research, or CCER) patterned on Britain's National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (NICE). This agency's stated purpose is to identify medical practices that produce outcomes that work as opposed to those that don't work. As long as there is a competitive private health care market, CCER's impact will be limited. But under a national health care insurance plan, providers will not be paid out of the plan for health care which CCER disapproves of. Once competing plans have been driven out, the government's approval or disapproval will dictate the care providers may offer to beneficiaries, automatically denying treatments for certain categories of patients.

England's NICE operates as a rationing bureaucracy. NICE decisions for or against new medicines, surgeries, and other treatments are life-and-death matters. They determine whether patients under Britain's government health program will be allowed or denied access to preferred forms of care. NICE's determinations are pushed and pulled by two forces: national budgeting calculations and factional political pressures. Under NICE rationing, the government has capped the amount that may be spent on treatments to extend someone's life by six months. The amount is $22,000, an arbitrary number chosen by government accountants, not medical professionals.

The idea that the government should make decisions about how long people should live is deeply offensive to everything America stands for. It is no answer to say that health care resources are limited and will be rationed one way or another. Under systems of market freedom, the limited amount of all services and goods, including health care, are rationed by individuals and their personal caregivers as they allocate their own resources among many competing producers. But should government do this, based on financial spreadsheets and political pressure groups? I believe this is morally and politically abhorrent to all Americans because it denies our most basic personal rights. We should treat our sick, special needs patients, and elderly better than this.

President Obama denies that he wants to ration health care under his government-run program. Granting his sincerity and ability to stop Congress from mandating it, four or eight years from now there will be another President who will not be bound by Obama's anti-rationing rhetoric since national health care would be a fait accompli by then. Government rationing, like it or not, is the logical endpoint of government health care.

Any authentic solution to the problem of affordability should be consistent with our first principles of moral and political freedom, should respect doctor and patient privacy, restrain spending, and channel the energy of our free market system, not dry it up. There is no lack of sensible alternative solutions offered by Republicans to empower patients and health insurance buyers, not big government or insurance company bureaucrats. Senators Coburn and Burr, and Congressman Nunes and I co-authored The Patients' Choice Act which would eliminate government-driven market distortions that now exclude millions from affordable health care delivery. More uninsured Americans can be covered by spending current dollars more wisely and efficiently than by throwing trillions more dollars at the problem. Our health care delivery alternatives are based on principles that respect timeless American moral and political truths. We believe health care arrangements should reflect a commitment to compassion, family choice, and individual freedom, together with responsibility for the nation's economic well-being.

* * * * *

What is at stake in this battle goes far beyond health care. This debate may prove to be a surrogate for the defining issue of our generation. If we follow the path the Obama Administration wants, our nation will reach a tipping point where a majority of citizens pay little or no taxes and become dependent on federal welfare. Tax cuts would be politically unfeasible because more people will have a stake in government benefits than in free enterprise and personal initiative. The spirit of risk-taking will be smothered by an all-providing government. The American character, however, rests on the great experiment in individual freedom begun over 200 years ago. It cannot survive without it.

If this sounds hyperbolic, consider that America's private and public sectors now spend about $2.5 trillion a year on health care, more than twice what any other country spends per person, amounting to about 17 percent of our nation's GDP. If government is now to take over the whole cost burden as another entitlement, the tipping point will be inevitable. This democratic system under which each person bears the responsibility for working to fulfill his or her potential, maturely judging risks and rewards, will be replaced by a nation of passive subjects indebted only to their leaders for the welfare they receive to keep them alive.

If President Obama and his party are serious about establishing a radical new government-driven health care program, rather than force an untested program on the whole nation, why not follow federalism by encouraging one or two states to adopt such a plan as a pilot program? Former Governor Romney of Massachusetts, a Republican, led in the creation of a state universal health care program three years ago, and Jon Huntsman, Republican Governor of Utah, has spearheaded major market-based health care reforms in that state. The benefits, costs, and satisfaction in these state health care "labs" would be useful information before we decide on a federal role.

If the majority party truly wants more competition, as they say, why propose government insurance instead of enabling more non-profit insurance?

If they have no intention of transforming the system into Medicare for all, why do they tie all payments to Medicare?

And if the majority is so worried about our skyrocketing national debt and the burden on the next generation, why do they want to create an entirely new entitlement that would deal a staggering blow to our economy -- an entitlement that rivals the size and liabilities of Medicare?

The answer to these questions is that this is ultimately not about health care but about advancing an ideological crusade. Our nation, founded on the credo that unalienable rights were granted to all not by government but by "nature and nature's God," is to be remade into a "benevolent" social welfare state. Federal government health care is the first step down that path. Until now, people in other nations that have chosen that path might at least come to the United States. But where will Americans go when the U.S. also has socialized health care? There will be no place of freedom left to us.

The exceptional character of the American people is not free-floating. It lives, as one of our greatest Americans, Martin Luther King, once wrote, by "those great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the founding fathers in the formulation of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence." I do not believe our citizens want to trade the American character for socialist materialism supplied by European-style health bureaucrats. Yet this is really what the debate is about. Both sides agree that the current system is not working well. Both sides have proposed reforms, but they point to opposite paths. A government-run health care monopoly or a patient-centered reform that expands health care delivery while affirming free market democracy: the stakes in this debate could not be higher. If Americans understand this, I am confident they will insist that Congress reject social welfare medicine and enact reforms to restore real freedom in health care.

Congressman Paul Ryan represents Wisconsin's 1st Congressional District.

Tuesday, July 21, 2009

How Government Distorts the Market

What Happens When The Government Enters The Ring?
Mark J. Roe, 07.21.09, 6:00

Bernanke and Paulson are still taking heat from Congress for pressing Bank of America's Lewis into going forward with the Merrill Lynch purchase, a deal that shackled Bank of America with significant losses. And Bank of America's Lewis took considerable heat from its shareholders for not telling them how bad Merrill looked at the time of the purchase.

Eventually, the Treasury put another $20 billion into Bank of America and documents now indicate that the government raised the possibility of ousting the bank's senior management if the deal had not gone through.

Several core transactions in the financial crisis have the government in a dual role, as simultaneously being a regulator and a market-like player. It's as if the referee in a sport started fielding his own team. Even first-rate refs doing their job well, and as fairly as they can, can distort how everyone else plays the game, once the referee becomes a player too. This problem also emerges when the governmental regulator becomes a market player too, as was the case three times in the past year: with Bank of America's purchase of Merrill Lynch, when the government was standing behind Bank of America as a vital lender; with Morgan's purchase of a failing Bear Stearns last year with the Fed and the Treasury brokering the deal; and with Chrysler's rescue via government loans.

A standard objection to the government as market player--as, say, an owner of companies like GM and Chrysler--is that it's a bad manager. It wastes resources, makes mistakes and misallocates capital. It's insulated from market incentives.

But recent evidence suggests it might not be so bad as a manager. And when the government meddles with or replaces failed managements--viz. the American auto industry--it's not replacing America's most admired management teams, but its worst. The bar for it to clear is not all that high.

The government's goals are usually seen as the bigger issue. Rather than profits, the government-as-owner seeks to maintain employment or another nonprofit goal. Sometimes these further sensible social policy. But because it isn't focused on profits, the government often puts capital where it's less effective in the long run. These reservations to the government as market player are standard.

There's a third issue with the government as market actor, one that's potentially as insidious as any of the others, but less vivid.

When the government enters the market it doesn't leave its governmental powers behind. It brings its governmental muscle into a market where the players have understandings, norms and rules, all of which a muscular government acting like an ordinary market player--but really still a government with strength, power and weight--can disrupt.

First, when the government enters a market, private players become disoriented when dealing with a player that appears as a market peer, but one with huge resources, one that can act unpredictably and one often with nonstandard goals that can disrupt the markets it's trying to fix.

Second, when the government is a market player, it doesn't leave its capacity to make the rules behind. It can disrupt market rules, precedents and practices, and that in turn can disrupt normal market flows. We have seen this three times in the past year: in Chrysler, Bear Stearns and Bank of America's purchase of Merrill Lynch.

Consider Bank of America's purchase of Merrill Lynch. The deal followed the usual merger sequence: first, the boards agreed to the merger. Later, shareholders got to approve or veto the deal, and thereafter the deal closed. When Merrill's deeper troubles became apparent last December, the U.S. Treasury--Bank of America's principal financier via the U.S. Treasury's bailout loans--asked Bank of America to go forward with the deal anyway.

In normal securities law terms, Bank of America was obligated to tell its shareholders what it knew about Merrill's deteriorating conditions. In normal contract terms, the bank probably could withdraw from the deal because Merrill had deteriorated too much and its contract allowed it to withdraw in the event of a "materially adverse change" in Merrill. But it neither told its shareholders nor withdrew from the deal. Government policy disrupted normal understandings of what gets disclosed to shareholders and what gets done in a merger deal.

If afterward, the market players revert to old form, no damage done here. But if the understandings change--if other think: Bank of America didn't have to tell its shareholders, why should we?--the transaction could produce lasting damage.

The same sort of problem was in play when JP Morgan Chase acquired Bear Stearns last year. There, speed was critical to the government and of less concern to the private players. Under normal corporate law rules, shareholders would have had to approve the deal, but shareholder approval--a check on the board's decision making--would take more than just a weekend. So the deal went forward without a shareholder vote.

In the resulting shareholder suit, Delaware courts ducked the issue, rather than risk disrupting federal policy (or re-doing its rules for all corporations or finding a technicality). It didn't want to collide with the Federal government. One might suspect that if JPMorgan Chase and Bear Stearns had acted similarly without the government involved, courts would have acted differently.

In the Chrysler bankruptcy, the Treasury made rescue loans that no private lender would make--loans that few expect the government to fully recover. It acted like a lender, but not with a lender's normal concern of making money on its loan. Capital markets could not tell who was getting what from whom in the deal. Real marketplace lenders in a bankruptcy expect to make money, but that was secondary to the government decision on the terms on which to lend. The bankruptcy promised UAW's retirees more than the financial creditors. Normally that signals a severe priority problem. Surely the UAW got a present paid for with the government's money, lent on a nonstandard, noncommercial basis for policy reasons. But capital markets players fear it also got a present out of the creditors' money. Capital markets players assume the worst and then say they're wary of lending to similar firms.

This third problem is potentially insidious--distortion or destruction of normal market understandings in order to implement government policy. In a market economy, the government may find that it can best reach its policy goals by acting like a market player, by saving Merrill Lynch when telling Bank of America to buy it and financing the purchase, by turning Bear Stearns over to Morgan, and by lending to Chrysler. Market structures are already in place, so it can flood one channel or another with money to make its policy work.

And its policies can seem more legitimate because it mimics market actions. Or it may want sometimes to obscure its policies--by rendering opaque whom is getting bailed out and how much, or how weak a company really is. Structures, rules and practices then emerge that weren't designed to work well when the government is in the room get distorted.

The government's muscle as a market player disrupts understandings, norms and patterns that usually govern commercial transactions. That's what happened in three of the major government-funded restructurings in the past year. Sometimes regulators have no choice but to enter the market themselves to implement policy, but there are costs to doing so.

Mark J. Roe is a professor at Harvard Law School.

Monday, July 20, 2009

RESTORE AMERICA - BACK TO THE BASICS

by Steve Czonstka - The Constitutional Conservative

It is no coincidence that America is the World’s longest existing Constitutional Republic and the bastion of free market capitalism. The creative turbulence of capitalism stimulates the free flow of ideas providing choice, renewing opportunities and overcoming stagnation.

America was founded on the principles of individual responsibility and free market enterprise rising out of rebellion against the stifling oppression of government. Yet, the present federal administration, both the President and Congress, seemed determined to abandon our heritage in favor of reliance on big government tenets of socialism which have failed repeatedly throughout the world. We are a government of laws, not of men. The desires of a president do not justify creation of programs redistributing private resources.

The freedom loving patriots of the Florida Panhandle and the Conservative Grassroots across America must stop this drift away from individual liberty and responsibility towards increasing dependence on government. Government is most often the problem, not the solution. We must insist on the following platform to guide local, state and national elected government officials and unelected administrators.



CONSERVATIVE GRASSROOTS PLATFORM


Obey The Constitution

Return 10th amendment powers to the states.

Halt government abuse of individuals’ 1st, 2nd, 4th and 5th amendments rights.

Enforce Legislative/Judicial checks and balances on Executive branch excesses

Challenge extraconstitutional federal laws and powers to the Supreme Court.

Education, Healthcare, Abortion, et al; are not venues of federal jurisdiction.

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Restore Capitalism

Insist the market, not government, drive the economy.

Cease government bailouts. Nothing should be too big to fail.

Resist government regulations convoluting the market and economy.

Rescind government regulation causing unintended economic consequences.

Promote deregulation to spur economic growth.

Reverse trends of individual dependence on government.


Control Spending

Cancel existing Stimulus (Porkulus) spending legislation.

Refuse any additional Stimulus spending legislation.

Stimulate by cutting capital gains and payroll taxes.


Promote Energy

Kill Cap and Trade legislation.

Promote energy independence with domestic drilling and nuclear options.

Insist only viable “alternative” energy programs receive funding. Prove it or lose it.

Scientifically confirm or refute validity of Man-made Climate Change.

Sunday, July 19, 2009

Don't Blame Capitalism

Politicized Capitalism: Boss Obama takes charge of the economy.
by Fred Barnes 07/27/2009, Volume 014, Issue 42

President Obama is ushering in an era of politicized capitalism. Since he took office, corporate heads and business executives more and more look to Washington as the wellspring of financial success. And politicians and government officials have much to offer them: grants, loans, loan guarantees, subsidies, contracts, tax credits, regulatory and legal advantages of one kind or another over competitors, even guaranteed profits. Tempting stuff, for sure, and businesses are increasingly unable to resist. This is not a healthy trend.

The distinction here is with America's traditional system of market capitalism, which requires companies and entrepreneurs to compete in the marketplace. Except with President Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal in the 1930s and during wartime--when government officials intervened aggressively in the economy--this has been the dominant form of capitalism in America. It's allowed Americans to become the most prosperous people in the world.

The two types of capitalism exist in stark contrast in the American auto industry. General Motors and Chrysler have survived thanks to billions from the Obama administration and forgiveness of billions more in loans and other obligations. GM and Chrysler are now wards of the federal government, which picks their CEOs, names their boards, and can tell them which cars to manufacture.

Then there's Ford, also a money loser in recent years. It turned down a government bailout and now must pay back its loans in full. Ford decided to compete in the marketplace for the preference of consumers, not in Washington for donations from government. It has one advantage: It's a private corporation free of government control.

Politicized capitalism comes in many forms. The Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) has spent hundreds of billions to stabilize banks, including some that didn't need to be bailed out. TARP funds have also gone to insurance, finance, loan, and auto companies, among others. The Federal Reserve and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, while nominally independent, have followed Obama's lead and backed hundreds of billions in home loans and debt issuance. All this money--and the deference to Washington that comes with it--has reached deeply into the economy.

And Obama is eager to bring still more of the private sector under the government safety net. Big banks have paid back billions in TARP loans they received last year, but the administration has decided against using that money to reduce the deficit. Obama would rather spend it.

This was the headline of a Washington Post story on July 11: "White House Eyes Bailout Funds to Aid Small Firms." No doubt many firms would like cheap, subsidized loans from Washington, and they've begun pressing members of Congress for help in getting them. But a program of aid to small business would be a significant departure from TARP's original mandate of rescuing shaky banks.

Politicized capitalism inevitably leads to crony capitalism, the rewarding of friends and supporters with economic favors. The bailout of GM and Chrysler was a boon to the United Auto Workers, which contributed lavishly to Obama's presidential campaign. His cap and trade energy program, which has passed the House, would reward favorites of the administration and congressional Democrats with valuable allowances to emit greenhouse gases.

Another beneficiary is Goldman Sachs, the Wall Street financial giant with allies, former (and probably future) employees, and protégés in key positions in Washington. Goldman was instantly converted into a bank holding company last fall--pre-Obama--and thus eligible for TARP funds. It gained from the bailout of AIG. The insurance company quickly paid back $13 billion it owed Goldman, and last week Goldman posted record profits.

What's wrong with all this? A lot. Market competition produces innovation and inventions. In the 1980s and 1990s, the greatest breakthroughs occurred in technology, the sector least regulated and favored by Washington--that is, the sector most resembling pure market capitalism. "Political capitalism," in contrast, simply "inhibits the ability of companies to operate as market entrepreneurs," says Burton W. Folsom, an economic historian at Hillsdale College in Michigan.

And since politicized capitalism includes efforts to redistribute income--this is especially true with Obama--it necessarily impedes a rise in the standard of living by stifling investment. It also leads, because politicians are involved, to class warfare. We see this today in the ugly disputes over bonuses at TARP-funded companies.

And there's something worse. "A little bit of political capitalism begets more," Folsom says. When government subsidizes businesses, "that's when it becomes harder to become a market entrepreneur." And the economy suffers. Obama doesn't appear to understand this.

He shares the worst economic instincts of his political hero, FDR. Like Roosevelt, he's had little practical experience in the private sector. Once the free market appears to have failed, today as in the Depression, government alone is seen as the answer. "With the private sector so weakened by this recession, the federal government is the only entity left with the resources to jolt our economy back into life," Obama said in February. And he thinks government is efficient. He suggested private insurers could learn from a government-run insurance program.

Politicized capitalism or market capitalism? Obama doesn't recognize a difference. He said "more than 90 percent of the jobs created by [the economic stimulus] will be in the private sector." True, but they'll be created and funded entirely by government.

Obama explained to a group of visitors recently why he doesn't favor tax cuts to promote private investment, growth, and jobs. Such incentives aren't needed, he said. By creating millions of jobs in a "green economy," his administration--government--will lead the way. Government investment in green technology is the "game changer," according to Obama. Private investors will see the light and follow by investing in this new economy.

Obama may not understand his own vision. It's bigger than anything FDR dreamed of. It is the triumph of politicized capitalism.

Fred Barnes is executive editor of THE WEEKLY STANDARD.

Friday, July 17, 2009

Americans Deserve American Laws

Ed Feulner Friday, July 17, 2009

When a Supreme Court justice decides a case, should he or she look exclusively to the Constitution and U.S. laws? Or should foreign policies or laws come into play?

Those are easy questions for most Americans. They know U.S. citizens are subject only to laws made by American legislators -- not foreigners at the United Nations, in Europe or in Zimbabwe.

Yet at least one sitting Supreme Court justice says American jurists should look to foreign precedent. And President Barack Obama’s first nominee to sit on the high court, Sonia Sotomayor, seems a bit unclear on that point, too.

Just two years ago a book titled “The International Judge” featured an introduction she penned. “The question of how much we have to learn from foreign law and the international community when interpreting our Constitution,” she wrote, is “worth posing.”

Earlier this year, Sotomayor spoke to the Puerto Rican chapter of the ACLU. “International law and foreign law will be very important in the discussion of how to think about the unsettled issues in our own legal system,” she told the group.

Both quotes are troubling. Quite simply, there’s no need to consider foreign law when interpreting American constitutional law.

For the Constitution is, by definition, all one needs. And despite its brevity, our Constitution is remarkably effective. As a guiding legal framework, it works far better than longer (and long-winded) documents such as the European Union constitution. Our Constitution’s protection of the freedom of speech, for example, is remarkable, admirable and unique.

Unfortunately, Sotomayor isn’t alone in her consideration of foreign policies. Earlier this year Justice Ruth Bader Ginsberg told a panel at Ohio State University that our Supreme Court ought to pay more attention to the laws and policies of other countries. “You will not be listened to if you don’t listen to others,” she warned.

Well, what does it matter whether jurists in Yemen decide to cite U.S. precedent?

Our founding document was written to create a United States. The laws passed in the 221 years since it was ratified were meant to govern Americans. Anyone who wants to live under Sudanese law is free to move. Yet for more than two centuries, the line to get into the U.S. has been far longer than the line to get out. We’re doing something right.

In a recent paper from The Heritage Foundation, international law expert Steven Groves suggested several questions Sotomayor ought to be asked during her hearings.

§ Do you believe that it is the proper role of a justice of the Supreme Court to decide cases based on whether the decision will influence the jurisprudence of foreign courts? If so, how great a factor should the desire to influence foreign courts play in interpreting the Constitution?

§ By what criteria should foreign decisions be cited? Should the Court really be looking to adopt norms outside of the American tradition when deciding cases regarding controversial “values” issues such as the death penalty and homosexuality?

§ What exactly constitutes the mainstream of human thinking? Since much of American constitutional jurisprudence falls outside of the mainstream, why would we want to allow America’s less republican neighbors in the world community to influence the Court’s decisions?

Over the last several years, The Heritage Foundation has given away more than three million copies of the U.S. Constitution, which Supreme Court justices take an oath to defend and uphold.

Judge Sotomayor needs a friendly reminder that the Constitution -- despite being small enough to slip inside a jacket pocket -- is big enough to govern our continental nation. And her job, if the full Senate approves her, would be to consult that document for guidance, not foreign laws or policies.

Senators should press Sotomayor to explain her stance on the use of foreign law -- and pay close attention to her answers.

Copyright © 2009 Salem Web Network. All Rights Reserved.

A Reckless Congress

  • The Wall Street JournalREVIEW & OUTLOOK JULY 17, 2009
  • Democrats want to ram through one of the greatest raids on private income and business in American history.

Say this about the 1,018-page health-care bill that House Democrats unveiled this week and that President Obama heartily endorsed: It finally reveals at least some of the price of the reckless ambitions of our current government. With huge majorities and a President in a rush to outrun the declining popularity of his agenda, Democrats are bidding to impose an unrepealable European-style welfare state in a matter of weeks.

Mr. Obama's February budget provided the outline, but the House bill now fills in the details. To wit, tax increases that would take U.S. rates higher even than most of Europe. Yet even those increases aren't nearly enough to finance the $1 trillion in new spending, which itself is surely a low-ball estimate. Meanwhile, the bill would create a new government health entitlement that will kill private insurance and lead to a government-run system.

Hyperbole? That's what people said when we warned about this last fall in "A Liberal Supermajority," but even we underestimated the ideological willfulness of today's national Democrats. Consider only a few of the details:

A huge new income surtax. The bill's main financing comes from another tax increase on top of the increase already scheduled for 2011 under Mr. Obama's budget. The surtax starts at one percentage point for adjusted gross income above $350,000 in 2011, rising to two points in 2013; a 1.5 point surtax at incomes above $500,000, rising to three in 2013; and a whopping 5.4 percentage points in 2011 and beyond on incomes above $1 million.

This would raise the top marginal federal tax rate back to roughly 47% or 48%, if you include the Medicare tax and the phase-out of certain deductions and exemptions. With the current top rate at 35%, this would be the largest rate increase outside the Great Depression or world wars.

The average U.S. top combined state-federal marginal tax rate would hit about 52%. This would be higher than in all but three (Denmark, Sweden, Belgium) of the 30 countries measured by the OECD. According to the nearby table compiled by the Heritage Foundation, taxpayers in at least five U.S. states would pay higher marginal rates even than Sweden. South Korea, which Democrats worry is stealing American jobs, would be able to grab even more as its highest rate is a far more competitive 38.5%.

House Democrats say they deserve credit for being honest about the tax increases needed to fund their ambitions. But then they also claim that this surtax would raise $544 billion in new revenue over 10 years. America's millionaires aren't that stupid; far fewer of them will pay these rates for very long, if at all. They will find ways to shelter income, either by investing differently or simply working less. Small businesses that pay at the individual rate will shift to pay the 35% corporate rate. When the revenue doesn't materialize, Democrats will move to soak the middle class with a European-style value-added tax.

Phony numbers. Democrats will have to come up with something, because even the surtax puts their bill at least $300 billion short of honest financing. The public insurance "option" doesn't even begin until 2013 and the costs are heavily weighted toward the later years, but the tax hikes start in 2011. So under Congress's 10-year budget window, the House bill is able to pay for seven years of spending with nine years of taxes. Andy Laperriere of the ISI Group estimates the bill would add $95 billion to the deficit in 2019 alone.

Then there's yesterday's testimony, from Congressional Budget Office (CBO) Director Doug Elmendorf, that ObamaCare's cost "savings" are an illusion. Mr. Obama claims government can cover more people and pay less to do it. But Mr. Elmendorf told the Senate Finance Committee that "In the legislation that has been reported we don't see the sort of fundamental changes that would be necessary to reduce the trajectory of federal spending by a significant amount. And on the contrary, the legislation significantly expands the federal responsibility for health-care costs."

Further on the public plan: "It raises the amount of activity that is growing at this unsustainable rate."

No matter, Speaker Nancy Pelosi is whisking the bill through House committees even before CBO has had a chance to score it in detail. As Wisconsin Republican Paul Ryan put it to us, "We will not have read it, and we will not have a score of it, but we will have passed it out of committee."

A new payroll tax. Unemployment is at 9.5% and rising, but Democrats will nonetheless impose a new eight percentage point payroll tax on employers who don't provide health insurance for employees. This is on top of the current 15% payroll tax, and in addition to a new 2.5-percentage point tax on individuals who don't buy health insurance. This means that any employer with more than $400,000 in payroll would have to pay at least 25% above the salary to hire someone. Result: Many fewer new jobs, with a higher structural jobless rate, much as Europe has experienced as its welfare states have expanded.

Other new taxes, including an as yet undetermined levy on private health plans. This tax, which Democrats say could raise $100 billion or so, would make it even harder for private plans to compete with the government plan, which would already benefit from government subsidies and lower capital costs. For good measure, the House bill also gets the ball rolling on tax increases on foreign-source corporate income.

We could go on, and we will in coming days. But the most remarkable quality of this health-care exercise is its reckless disregard for economic and fiscal reality. With the economy still far from a healthy recovery, and the federal fisc already nearly $2 trillion in deficit, Democrats want to ram through one of the greatest raids on private income and business in American history. The world is looking on, agog, and wondering why the United States seems intent on jumping off this cliff.

Copyright 2009 Dow Jones & Company, Inc.